Sunday, November 22, 2015

Channeling Art

In Dark Night of the Soul, Thomas Moore writes, "It helps to know who is living through you at any given moment" (253). A similar thinker has stated that we don't so much live as we are lived. Such thinking is in keeping with the idea of the decentered subject. There may be no such thing as the individual, and even if there is her existence is much more than ego and activity.

Psychoanalysts obviously deal in dreams and suggest that people consider their dreams almost daily. I have been playing closer attention to my dreams in the last year or so. An irritating large number of them are reoccurring, constant themes being houses--which I have taken to symbolize order, stability, structure, and inheritance or family. In these house dreams, I am sometimes taking down walls of observing them, going through doors or noticing that they are closed or cracked. Very often I am angry at my newest ancestors, people I knew when they were alive, because they were not good stewards of family property; they hoarded, kept heirlooms from being passed down. The meaning of these dreams seems obvious. But maybe it is; maybe it isn't.

Through genealogical research, or actually through involving students in it, I have seen that the dreamlife can indeed be affected. My students have had unsettling dreams about people they have researched. For a long time, my own dreamlife was not thusly invaded, but about a year ago I dreamed of a man who I took to be a figure I was spending lots of time on. Then there was last night or this morning.

I woke up with a song in my head that I had been singing in my sleep, in my dream. I have titled it "Ridin' to Freedom." It goes like this: "Oh half-a-day. Ridin' to (till) freedom come./Oh half-a-day, half-a-day, ridin' to (till) freedom come." Perhaps this is a published song. Maybe it is even a common folk song or spiritual. However, I am not conscious of having heard it or of having been familiar with it before I sang it in my dream.

I have been thinking a lot about ways the spirit world communicates with the living, and it has become clear that some spirits like to use music. I think for instance that it is my father's preferred form if communication. Whenever I wake up with soul music strongly in my head, I figure Daddy is trying to reach me. This phenomenon is invasive but I don't experience it as such, and usually the song offers a message of comfort. "ou child things are fine get easier/some day we'll walk together in the beautiful sun/some day things will get brighter" was one of the first. My father had a strong belief in reuniting with loved ones in the afterlife.

As for Ridin' to Freedom, it fits perfectly the  life I have been studying, that of hauler or wagoner Cato Govan of Holly Springs, Mississippi. He transported cotton between Holly Springs and Memphis under government contract during the Civil War. One question I have had of his experience and identity is whether he viewed himself as free after the Union army occupied Holly Springs in November 1862. Govan actually states that he was not free until after the war. But now there is this song to consider. I could never prove I think that he sang this song, but it does provide an interesting counter to the idea that African Americans who remained near where they had been enslaved were not free until 1865. This song is intriguing because it suggests both that it's subject rode to freedom and that he also was waiting on freedom, which within a half a day, part of the travel time to Memphis, he would experience. Possibly, his trips to Memphis--it would appear that he made many--let him know that the war would soon be over and freedom would come to all. This feels like a song of celebration and thanks. My gut tells me that by some supernatural, psychic experience I received this song. Perhaps this is how all music comes into being. Again, as Moore writes, it helps to know who is living through you at any given moment.

Friday, September 18, 2015

Reckoning

My last post was about the old word "bargain." This post is about the word "reckon," or reckoning. As with bargain, I come across reckoning in Tolstoy's novel Anna Karenina. In this story of the late nineteenth century, reckon can mean to count or account. For instance, when one is conducting business, making an offer, to reckon means to calculate or consider everything that is to be considered. To state that one has reckoned everything out, as Stepan Arkadyevitch does in the novel, is not just to say that one has accounted for everything. More importantly, to make this statement is to give one's word that the transaction is honest.

One of my friends, a Southern lady who has lived all over the world, has told me that reckoning and bargaining belong together. Both are old words that are more than business terms; they belong to a cosmology, a system of beliefs about the order of the universe including the business and politics of humans. One of the key questions that Tolstoy seems to be asking in the novel is if God in fact wills certain relationships, or how marriage fits in the order of things. He asks as well how class fits. Are the monarchy and bourgeoisie divinely appointed? Is Konstantin Levin supposed to be over his peasant workers? They seem to accept their place. They are disturbed when he labors with them. They think that he is in fact disturbing the order.

Certainly, Anna Arkadyevna disturbs the order when she loves someone other than her husband. But, Princess Mayakaya defends Anna, arguing that it is not Anna's fault that more than one man's soul is tacked to her. Mayakaya is suggesting that there exist soul connections that transcend one's earth life. Anna too defends herself. When she believes she faces death, nothing is more important than that she receive her husband's forgiveness for her infidelity, which is not to say that she feels she has been wrong to love another. Yet, she shows us that at death one must reckon or account for what one has done on earth.

This concept of reckoning gives me a way to understand my own ancestors' practice of having their land sold at death and having their executor pay off all debts before disbursing any bequests. This is another form of reckoning at death. I have seen this a number of times in wills including in that of one ancestor whose will was challenged because the request would result in her being expelled from the land where she had lived with her husband. Her case went to the Supreme Court of the State of Mississippi, where she prevailed. She was allowed to remain on the land until death, which unfortunately wasn't long after the case was decided. In this case, the ancestor's reckoning might have included care for his surviving spouse.

The case reminds me of my grandfather, who I knew in my lifetime, his having lived until I was fifteen years old. It would appear that, a couple of years at least before his death, he tried to get his house in order by making sure that my grandmother's needs would be met. This task included purchasing my grandmother a washer and dryer to replace the wring washer she had used for many years. I guess he didn't want to, from his grave, see her working as hard as she had while he lived. Or, maybe Grandma had asked for a new washer and he didn't want that request to go unfulfilled. Whichever is the case, I do see his actions at the close of life as a reckoning, and I very much feel that this was behavior he had learned from his elders and ancestors.

So, if bargaining is an attempt at honest business, reckoning points to an ethic based in the belief that one may be outside the will of God or outside of a certain order if one does not settle, make proper account, of one's earth doings. One may turn in one's grave if things are left unsettled or undone.

Another reason I have been interested in the concepts of reckoning and bargaining is that I think that these may come into play with the activities of African-American soldiers in their own dealings. I am looking in particular at the 63rd USCT, which was a guard unit stationed at Memphis. These men served basically in John Eaton, Jr.'s Department of Freedmen and in the area's contraband camps. Following their service, as well as during, they appear to have sought every benefit that was coming to them. For example, most of them applied for a bounty, which a significant number of them used to get started in farming. Many of them opened accounts with the Freedmen's Bureau Bank. They vouched for each other's service when applying for a pension and informed their wives that they too should apply if they preceded them in death. In short, even though most of these men were former slaves, they appear to have evaluated their experience in the war, systematically, which is to say as a part of an order, and they placed their lives in agreement with that order. I see their various applications as a reckoning, a commitment to discerning God's will in a situation and acting accordingly. This is a theory in need of some work, but these are my beginning thoughts.

Saturday, August 15, 2015

What's a Bargain?

I have been studying this term bargaining or bargain, which I first began making note of as I read through Civil War documents. Since then, I have been noticing it elsewhere. I noticed it last summer in Gone with the Wind though I cannot find the reference at the moment, something about Gerald, Scarlett's father, not wanting to spend his life bargaining. I suppose in this context bargaining is an ungentlemanly act. Bargaining is better left to merchants, whose livelihood depends on buying and selling at a reasonable price.

I have a second example of the practice; it comes from this summer's reading of Tolstoy's Anna Karenina. Darya's wayward husband, whom she sometimes allows herself to call Stiva, is selling off a piece of her property to a Ryabinin, who is actually taking advantage, getting the property at a steal. Stiva's friend Levin advises him not to sell at the agreed-upon price; Levin even offers to buy the land himself. It is timberland, and Levin informs Stiva, otherwise known as Stepan Oblonsky, that because so it is worth many times what he is getting for it. The correct procedure for determining price of such land is, according to Levin, to count the trees. Needless to say, that would be tedious work, and Stiva--who spends much of his time philandering and otherwise enjoying a life of good food, women, and wine--doesn't have time to count trees.

In Levin's own words, there is a difference between bargaining and haggling. With the latter, one continues bargaining after the deal is done. Oblonsky would not haggle. I suppose his word meant something, his character and reputation as well. He says, "I've given my word, you know." Apparently, one's word was everything.

I had an aged cousin tell me once that this is how it was as well in the South, in northwest Mississippi. If someone, white or black, gave their word, you could count on it. For instance, if a white man said he'd sell a black a piece of land, the white would not go back on his word because of the interference of others who might like to influence the deal one way or another rather as Levin tries to do in the novel. Maybe this is just my cousin's opinion. I don't know. I do know that fair dealing between whites and blacks in the past runs contrary to popular belief, which is that whites would not have had the wherewithal or integrity to sell to blacks or to deal fairly with them in the first place. One of the reasons I'm investigating traditional business behavior is to see if business ethics in the South encouraged a transcendence of race. I feel naive in even asking this question given all that I have been told about black life in the Old South, but, as a scholar, I have to ask and investigate rather than assume.

Why besides humanity would a white, say, during the Reconstruction era or the Jim Crow era, bargain fairly with a black? Did standards and practices of gentlemanly behavior always or ever extend to blacks? Again, were business people compelled by some ethic to deal fair and square and to stand by a word given, a promise, a deal? My guess is yes, for I believe I have gathered much proof of this in my many documents relating to my own family's land purchases. I also have an opportunity to witness indirectly business deals of an acquaintance who lives in the South today. I notice that he employs the same language of the past. The other day he spoke of the standard "fair and square." I think this phrase, which my father used often undoubtedly influenced by his father who conducted much business in Mississippi, means on the up and up--honest dealing. I am intrigued by the association of the social term fairness with a geometric term square. The latter gives the former a visual and physical aspect. Fairness is exact. Fairness can be measured and seen. It is not asymmetrical or uneven. Maybe our ancestors, both black and white ones, believed that bad dealing, unevenness, would haunt them, that they would have, through bad dealing, set up bad karma.

Likewise, close dealing too can be frowned upon though shrewdness is sometimes admired. Ryabinin says of Stepan's advisor, "Very close about money is Konstantin Dimitrievitch...there's positively no dealing with him." Ryabinin claims for instance that he offered Konstantin, also known as Levin, a pretty price for some wheat. In this case, it seems that a good deal to Ryabinin is the offer of what he may consider a fair price but one that his rival may consider too low. One key to dealing obviously is to know what one's goods or one's labor is worth. I am studying also a colored hauler from the Civil War era. He claims to have made fifty dollars per bale of cotton hauled to Memphis. He said that he'd haul for anyone who paid his price. I would assume that plenty did, which says to me that he knew what a fair price was for the job. Another black, enlisted, wrote home to his wife that he could have made more money outside the service using honest, close trading. His words too suggest knowledge of business etiquette, and they imply that a black skilled in dealing could play the game.

Thursday, July 30, 2015

The Sociology of Work or Makin' a Livin' (first installment)

This is the blog where I try ideas out, and so I will use this space to continue thinking on one of many questions belonging to my manuscript--Mississippi Wound, Detroit Bound. In that text, I am considering my father's family's migration to Detroit after World War II. One of my angles into answering the question of why the family moved from DeSoto County, Mississippi to Detroit is their philosophy and experience of work.

To answer this question, I have come to Mississippi since this is one of the places where the family would have been socialized to work, which is not to say indoctrinated into an ethic of work, meaning busy-ness, but socialized to ways of valuing or measuring the value of work. In Detroit, this question emerged as an important one for the family as they reorganized their lives. This question is relevant to so many migrating families, yet one of the things that perhaps makes our story different if not unique is that it would seem that my grandfather--who I think of as the sponsor of their migration--did not go to Detroit with the intention of working in an auto factory. He was not pushed into the city by disappearance of farm work from rural areas due to mechanization. He may have been thinking about factory employment, eventually, for his sons, but, for the time being, this is a question that remains open. At the moment, I am fairly certain that he never considered factory employment for himself.

My grandfather was an enterprising man, which, an aging Mississippi cousin instructed me was not uncommon in the past. My Big Daddy did everything from undertaking to running a store to raising bulls. He inherited the family's land from his own father and uncle, which I'm sure helped him get his start. The same cousin reminds me, however, that "Moody 'em" (not sure who's included in the "em or them) "never made no crop." Making a crop was in northwest Mississippi from Reconstruction well into the 1970s a center of life. My great grandfather grew cotton though it is unclear how many acres he himself worked. The aged cousin brags about the family's wealth partly created by the numbers of blacks they had "workin' on half." When I came here, I didn't know if "workin' on half" was a good arrangement for the worker or not. The question comes of a sensitivity gained growing up in the nation's premier union town. I'm still not entirely sure of the answer since I have shied from asking that exact question, because of the way in which it might implicate my ancestors. Whatever the case, it is clear that the family was in a relatively better position for having owned the land they lived on, and that better position allowed their children to choose what work they would do while they were in Mississippi. I am mindful, however, that black, spoiled, and Mississippi do not go together--not in the 1940s--when Big Daddy packed up a truck with the family's belongings and headed north.

I live part-time, which is actually most of the year, in northwest Mississippi, in a small town that is not quite a bedroom community for or a suburb of Memphis. This is not the county my father grew up in but the one to where my earliest Mississippi ancestors were brought as slaves. There is a college in town, (my Big Daddy attended it for a while) which is where I work, and there are the typical black businesses, barbershops and beauty shops, eateries, and funeral homes. Most blacks are employed by the college, others work for the municipality and its auxiliaries, or for retail establishments.

It didn't take me very long to realize that most blacks in this general area of Mississippi have more than one job or source of income. Some work two jobs while others are employed by some entity and also earn money from self-employment, for instance, catering. Lots of people sell various wares. There are some roads where one will find sometimes a half dozen people, not always black, selling mostly clothing, usually procured from auction storage lockers, out of the trunks of their cars. The goods are sold along the roadsides dirt cheap, leaving me to wonder whether the enterprise is profitable. The low prices do keep things moving, which is good, yet I have asked myself if the main purpose is for these vendors to keep up a habit of work more than it is to make good money.

When I first moved here, not knowing how long I would be, I bought lots of household items from a woman, I estimate in her sixties, who has a yard sale at her rural home ten miles from me about once a month. Compared to other sellers, I actually found her prices to be somewhat high, but I bought from her nevertheless because she also delivered and set up the items for me. Eventually, after I had everything I needed I stopped buying from her, but I still see her around from time to time. She may be seventy by now and is thin as a rail but obviously as strong as the day she carried a heavy couch off her truck, brought it through my kitchen door without even having to turn it, and set it down in my living room. She did break a sweat, it was August after all, but she broke nothing else.

Other, more genteel, types, also may have two jobs. For instance, some of my colleagues, who work full-time in higher ed, are ministers and have churches. Others rent out houses around town. This level of industriousness surely unsettles stereotypes of Mississippians as a poor lot, sitting on porches swatting flies, getting little exercise while contributing to their own poor health through sedentary living.

Full disclosure, my own lifestyle may be more sedentary than that of the Mississippians I observe though I bolt out the door every Saturday morning to see what's for sale along my favorite route. The thing is, I wasn't really taught to work. I was the youngest child  in my family and reaped all the benefits thereof. My family, my mother excepted, believed children were to be spoiled, especially pre-adolescent children. The point of childhood was play. This was in Detroit.

Evidence that the family's philosophy of childhood was no different in Mississippi is the fact that all of the blood relatives who remained in Mississippi remember all of my grandparents' children, well, most of them, as spoiled. "They had him spoiled," I hear a cousin say of my Uncle Sonny Man, the youngest son. Of my father, called Lil' Bro though he is older than Uncle Sonny, they say nothing. No one remembers my father. This is perhaps because, as the son a step up from him told me, he didn't do much but sit under a shade tree with his nice shoes on rather than walk around barefooted like the rest of us.

My father did carry those same behaviors into Detroit from age thirteen until his death. The brother who, pun intended, threw shade worked until he died at the age of eighty. The two of them may be in heaven right now arguing about who really worked. You see, my father was employed by Ford Motor Company for at least two decades while his blissfully barefooted brother appears to have shunned such employment. Just a few years before my uncle's death, he showed me a big catfish he had caught. He specialized in river catfish, and he had a ready and steady clientele. As far as I know (only my father might disagree), Uncle was never without money.

These are my own inheritances relative to work; the case is very different on my mother's side, but that is another story for another day. For now, I'll just say her orientation to work is much more in keeping with what I've been observing in northwest Mississippi. As for me, I continue to adjust to the pace of life and the work ethic as I see it at my place of employment. I had not expected to be more oppressed by clock and calendar in Mississippi than in Detroit, but I am, which makes having a writing life exceedingly difficult. The only option is to fit it in within the imposed structure of work rather than to allow it to flow throughout my day, making itself primary. I know that half the time I am being negligent even to think about having a writing life. It is a luxury few can afford and one that few people with whom I have become acquainted believe I can afford. Perhaps not yet. When people poked at my father for taking periodic, unscheduled and unapproved, vacations from Ford, he would respond, "I've worked enough." When he was alive and when I was a kid, I never could wrap my brain around that rejoinder. There were just so many doodads for a kid to have, and the income from Ford was more than enough to buy them. When a paycheck wasn't forthcoming, my Big Daddy stepped in. I'm coming to understand different orientations to work including my father's which is probably most akin to my own. The differences go to a basic question of existence--just how much work is required of us humans.